Archive for the ‘child labour’ Category

‘Children and Migration in Africa: an Interdisciplinary Perspective’

Tuesday, June 5th, 2012

Report on the AEGIS Thematic Workshop

SOAS, 24-5 May 2012

Organised by Marie Rodet (SOAS), Jack Lord (SOAS & Institute of Historical Research) and Elodie Razy (University of Liège).

The workshop had its in origins a panel on children and migration at the 2009 AEGIS Conference organised by Marie Rodet and Elodie Razy and two panels at the 2011 Congress on the Anthropology of Childhood and Children in Liège. This larger gathering was organised through the Centre of African Studies, SOAS. Funding was provided by the Centre of African Studies, the SOAS Faculty of Arts and Humanities and the Royal Historical Society.

The workshop began with a keynote by Benjamin Lawrance (Rochester Institute of Technology) on ‘Myth, History and Child Migration in the Atlantic World of La Amistad’. Focusing on the fate of the children found aboard La Amistad, Lawrance’s paper raised some of the key issues involved in studying the movement of children. How, in particular, does the dependency of children on adults affect our interpretations of children’s agency in migration and, in the case of unfree children, our definitions of enslaved and liberated?

The keynote was followed by a brief roundtable led by the organisers. This flagged up some of the other methodological issues that the workshop would need to address for the study of the present and the past to be linked together and for children, rather than youth, to be at the centre of discussion: reconciling academic vocabularies across disciplines; addressing the way that definitions of childhood are affected by migratory movements and shift over space and time; and incorporating children’s voices and peer cultures into academic analysis.

Over the course of the workshop, four panels addressed these issues using a variety of case studies. Panel One explored the theme of ‘Migrating children: between vulnerability and agency’ in both historical and contemporary contexts. Robin Chapdelaine (Rutgers) examined the complex influence of money-lending, bride price and the codification of native law on child-dealing in South-eastern Nigeria.  Two papers then explored the borders between free and unfree labour by girls in contemporary Sengal. Codou Bop (GREFELS) detailed the origins and working conditions of girls serving as guides to blind beggars in Dakar. Lindah Mhando (Penn State) contrasted the false hopes of girls trafficked from rural areas with the harsh realities of domestic servitude.

Panel Two dealt with ‘Bringing Up Children: Learning to Be and Becoming a Migrant in a Changing World’. Paolo Gaibazzi (Zentrum Modener Orient, Berlin) argued that in the migratory societies of the Upper Gambia Valley agriculture was a way of teaching children to be successful migrants in the future. Paola Porcelli (Paris 8) used psychological approaches to unlock children’s experience of fosterage in rural Mali. Kristen Cheney (International Institute of Social Studies, The Hague) explored how in Uganda, while AIDS orphanhood has led to the decline in the material importance of paternal kin ties, attachments with paternal kin maintain a vivid hold over orphaned children’s imaginations. Francesca Declich (Urbino) described the generational tensions created by the transnational experiences of ‘Somali Bantu’ migrants in Tanzania and the United States.

Panel Three was on the topic of ‘Education, Mobility and Immobility’. Isabelle Denis (Paris Sorbonne) examined how in nineteenth-century Mayotta Island, missionaries contradictorily purchased unfree children to provide them with the freedom of an education. Aude Chanson (Paris Denis Diderot) explored how the structure of migration for education in Tanganyika evolved over the colonial period as the provision of schooling changed. Marie Deleigne (Paris Descartes) linked the practice of child circulation in southern Madagascar to the large increase in school enrolment rates over the past fifteen years. Hannah Hoechner (Oxford) argued that for migrant Qur’anic students in Kano, Nigeria, mobility was a ‘contradictory resource’, at once allowing them access to otherwise unobtainable educational resources and making them easy scapegoats to explain boko haram violence.

The final panel explored the theme of ‘Movement, Imagination and Making Nations’. Violaine Tisseau (Paris 7) argued that for métis children in nineteenth century Madagascar acquiring a western-style education, whether in Antananarivo or France, was crucial to cementing a ‘French’ identity. Hannah Whittaker (SOAS) related the story of Rumbek Secondary School, which educated the first generation of South Sudanese nationalist leaders and was relocated from Rumbek in southern Sudan to Khartoum in the north in 1956. Jennifer Huynh (Princeton) used children’s drawings by first generation and refugee Somalis in Bristol, England, to analyse how migrant children developed an idealised version of their homeland in exile. Finally, Oluwole Coker (Obafemi Awoluwo University) examined the importance of child narrators as the ‘voice of reason’ in two recent works of Nigerian migrant fiction.

The workshop was a fruitful, collaborative environment for a group of scholars using very different approaches to the topic of child migration both within and outside the African continent. The interdisciplinary nature of the workshop was a real catalyst for many of the participants to rethink their own ideas and to question those of others. But that interdisciplinarity also brought home just how diverse a topic child migration is and how much work scholars will have to do to understand the phenomenon in a holistic manner. The organisers plan to publish selected papers in a peer-reviewed edited volume in the near future.

Article: Child Labor in the Gold Coast: The Economics of Work, Education, and the Family in Late-Colonial African Childhoods, c.1940-57

Monday, March 7th, 2011

In the spirit of relentless self-promotion, here is an article that I have published in the Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth about child labour, family economics and education. The article critiques the implicit use of modern idea(l)s about childhood in Africanist historiography by examining some of the scepticism towards schooling and the advantages of child labour in the colonial period.

http://bit.ly/LordChildLabor

Thanks to Johns Hopkins University Press for permission to deposit this in the SOAS eprints repository, which means that anyone can access the article for free.

Article: Spatial approaches to the history of child labour in colonial Ghana

Saturday, September 11th, 2010

I’ve published an article on the history of child labour in Ghana in Polyvocia, the SOAS graduate research journal. The article uses spatial analysis to examine how child labour changed over time and, obviously, space. It builds on a conference paper I gave last year – and what started out as a methodological experiment is going to end up as one of the most interesting chapters of my PhD. I expect that chapter to end up looking very different to this much shorter article, and it will focus on the movement of children rather than just the spaces they occupied. Researching the chapter is going to be a bit of a grind as I want to use some GIS techniques, which in turn requires some very boring data entry work – so having this article as an example of what spatial analysis can add to history writing will be a good morale booster.

Is child labour wrong?

Thursday, June 19th, 2008

How awful….

Child labour is right below child soldiering on the won’t-someone-please-think-of-the-children scale of moral outrage. Child labour, everyone agrees, is a Problem. And it is an apparently huge problem: the International Labour Organization counts 5-11 year olds as child labourers if they do one hour of work a week!1 Concerned parents should buy a dishwasher ASAP.

But as long as violence and coercion aren’t involved then I’m not convinced that child labour is such a problem, and it’s certainly not a problem solved by feeling guilty about who sewed your socks together, passing unenforceable laws or making empty Declarations.

The roots of child labour

Despite child labour being forbidden by the constitution and the Children’s Act in Ghana, for example, child labour is still common.2 There is a simple reason for this. The use of child labour is not driven by legislative fiat but by a cost-benefit analysis: can a family – or a whole society – afford its children to be an economic burden rather than an economic asset? That is, do the the long-term benefits of education or carefree innocence outweigh the loss of labour power to the family unit for some or all of childhood? Legislation probably complicates this decision – by adding the threat of prosecution, say, or immediate rewards for schooling – but it doesn’t override it.

One of my research aims is to explore the changing use and usefulness of child labour in colonial Ghana. I suspect it is an uneven process, and that an increase in societal wealth does not necessarily lead to a linear decline in child labour. Instead, the value of children’s labour is determined by numerous economic, technological and demographic shifts.

Historical approaches

Some possible determinants of child labour in African history include:

- The availability of adult labour. Demographic trends and shocks – for example the Atlantic slave trade or the present AIDS epidemic – inevitably alter a society’s reliance on child labour.

- New uses for child labour: tending cash crops (cocoa etc) on family farms might be a relevant historical example, and industrialisation and the factory system a possible future dilemna.

- Childhood choice and ambition based on new economic opportunities. The growth of education and an African staffed colonial bureaucracy, for example, created a growing disdain for manual work. I have found one case from the late-1940s of a boy living vagrant in Accra after running away from his home and apprenticeship because he thought that ‘washerman’ was a dishonourable trade.

- Technical and infrastructural changes. The availability and quality of education affects long-term planning. And the availability of mains water and electricity and kitchen appliances cuts down on demand for child labour within the household. But other trends might increase the need for child labour – there is some intriguing evidence that this was the case in the Gold Coast.

Given the complexity of the topic, it is a bit rich for the West to simply say that you can’t use child labour because it’s morally wrong and all children should be in school. Maybe it is and maybe they should – but maybe not.

References:
1Kaushik Basu and Zafiris Tzannatos, “The Global Child Labor Problem: What Do We Know and What Can We Do?,” World Bank Econ Rev 17, no. 2 (December 1, 2003)
2For example: ‘Child Labour Still Prevalent, LRC Calls for Affirmative Action’, Ghanaian Chronicle, 13th June 2008, http://allafrica.com/stories/200806130975.html